Mr. Francis Moore visited the colony in 1736, and wrote an account¹ of his visit, in which he described Savannah as follows:

    Savannah is about a mile and a quarter in circumference; it stands upon the flat of a hill; the bank of the river (which they in barbarous English call a bluff) is steep and about forty-five feet perpendicular, so that all heavy goods are brought up by a crane, an inconvenience designed to be remedied by a bridge-wharf, and an easy ascent, which, in laying out the town, care was taken to allow room for, there being a very wide strand between the first row of houses and the river. From this strand there is a very pleasant prospect; you can see the river wash the foot of the hill, which is a hard, clear, sandy beach a mile in length; the water is fresh, and the river one thousand foot wide. Eastward you see the river increased by the northern branch which runs around Hutchinson's island, and the Carolina shore beyond it, and the woody islands at the sea, which closes the prospect at ten or twelve miles distance. Over against it is Hutchinson's island, great part of which is open ground, where they mow hay for the Trustees' horses and cattle. The rest is woods, in which there are many bay trees eighty foot high. Westward you see the river winding between the woods, with little islands in it, for many miles.

    The town of Savannah is built of wood; all the houses of the first forty freeholders are of the same size with that Mr. Oglethorpe lives in,² but there are great numbers built since --- I believe one hundred or one hundred and fifty; many of these are much larger; some of two or three stories high, the boards plained and painted. The houses stand on large lots, sixty foot in front by ninety foot in depth; each lot has a fore and back street to it; the lots are fenced in with split poles; some people have palisades of split wood before their doors, but the generality have been wise enough not to throw away their money, which in this country, laid out in husbandry, is capable of great improvements.

    There are several people of good substance in the town, who came at their own expense, and also several of those who came over on the Charity are in a very thriving way; but this is observed, that the most substantial people are the most frugal, and make the least show, and live at the least expense. There are some also who have made but little or bad use of the benefits they received, idling away their times, whilst they had their provisions from the public store, or else working for hire, earning from two shillings, the price for a laborer, to four or five shillings, the price of a carpenter, per diem, and spending that money in rum and good living, thereby neglecting to improve their lands, so that when their time of receiving their provisions from the public ceased they were in no forwardness to maintain themselves out of their own lands. As they chose to be hirelings when they might have improved for themselves, the consequence of that folly forces them now to work for their daily bread. These are generally discontented with the country; and if they have run themselves in debt, their creditors will not let them go away till they have paid. Considering the number of people, there are but few of these. The industrious ones have throve beyond expectation; most of them that have been there three years, and many others, have houses in the town, which those that let have for the worst ten pounds per annum, and the best for thirty pounds. Those who have cleared their five-acre lots have made a very great profit out of them by greens, roots, and corn. Several have improved the cattle they had at first, and have now five or six tame cows; others who, to save the trouble of feeding them, let them go into the woods can rarely find them, and when they are brought up, one of them will not give half the quantity if milk which another cow fed near home will give. Their houses are built at a pretty large distance from one another, for fear of fire; the streets are very wide, and there are great squares left at proper distances for markets and other conveniences. Near the river side is a guard-house inclosed with palisades a foot thick, where there are nineteen or twenty cannons mounted and a continual guard kept by the freeholders.

    The town is governed by three bailiffs, and has a recorder, register, and a town court, which is holden every six weeks, where all matters, civil and criminal, are decided by grand and petit juries, as in England; but there are no lawyers allowed to plead for him; nor no attorneys to take money, but (as in old times in England) every man pleads his own cause. In case it should be an orphan, or one that can not speak for themselves, there are persons of the best substance in the town appointed by the Trustees to take care of the orphans and to defend the helpless, and that without fee or reward, it being a service that each that is capable must perform in his turn.

    They have some laws and customs that are peculiar to Georgia; one is that all brandies and distilled liquors are prohibited under severe penalties; another is; that no slavery is allowed, nor negroes; a third, that all persons who go among the indians must give security for their good behavior; because the indians, if any injury is done to them and they can not kill the man that does it, expect satisfaction from the government, which if not procured they break out into war by killing the first white man they conveniently can.³ No victualler or alehouse-keeper can give any credit, so consequently can not recover any debt. The freeholds have all been entailed, which has been very fortunate for the place. If people could have sold, the greatest part, before they knew the value of their lots, would have parted with them for a trifling condition, and there were not wanting rich men who employed agents to monopolize the whole town.

    In order to maintain many people, it was proper that the land should be divided into small portions, and to prevent the uniting them by marriage or purchase. For every time two lots were united the town loses a family, and the inconveniency of this shows itself at Savannah, notwithstanding the care of the Trustees to prevent it. They suffered the moity of the lots to descend to the widows during their lives; those who remarried to men who had lots of their own, by uniting two lots made one be neglected; for the strength of hands who could take care of one was not sufficient to look to and improve two. These uncleared lots are a nuisance to their neighbors. The trees which grow upon them shade the lots, the beasts take shelter in them, and for want of clearing the brooks which pass through them the lands above are often prejudiced by floods. To prevent all these inconveniences, the first regulation of the Trustees was a strict Agrarian law, by which all the lands near towns should be divided, 50 acres to each freeholder. The quantity of land by experience seems rather too much, since it is impossible that one poor family can tend so much land. If this allotment is too much, how much more inconvenient would the uniting of two be? To prevent it the Trustees grant the land in tail-male, that on the expiring of a male line they may regrant it to such man, having no other lot, as shall be married to the next female heir of the deceased as is of good character. This manner of dividing prevents, also, the sale of lands, and the rich thereby monopolizing the country.

    Each freeholder has a lot in town sixty foot by ninety foot, besides which he has a lot beyond the common of five acres for a garden. Every ten houses make a tithing, and to every tithing there is a mile square, which is divided into twelve lots, besides roads; each freeholder of the tithing has a lot or farm of forty-five acres there and two lots⁴ are reserved by the Trustees in order to defray the charge of the public. The town is laid out for two hundred and forty freeholds; the quantity of land necessary for that number is twenty-four square miles; every forty houses in town make a ward, to which four square miles in the country belong; each ward has a constable, and under him four tithing-men.

    Where the town land ends the villages begin; four villages make a ward out, which depends upon one of the wards within the town. The use of this is, in case a war should happen, the villages without may have places in the town to bring their cattles and families into for refuge, and for that purpose there is a square left in every ward big enough for the outwards to encamp in. There is a ground also kept around about the town ungranted, in order for the fortifications whenever occasion shall require. Beyond the villages commences lots of five hundred acres; these are granted upon terms of keeping the servants, &c. There is near the town to the east a garden belonging to the Trustees consisting of ten acres; the situation is delightful, one half of it upon the top of the hill, the foot of which the Savannah river washes, and from it you see the woody islands in the sea. The remainder of the garden is the side and some plain low ground at the foot of the hill, where several fine springs broke out.

    The constant arrival of persons from England and other places, to settle in the various settlements in Georgia, contributed to swell the population of Savannah, many being so well pleased with the town that they refused to go further, and made it their home. Consequently, in 1738, we find that the town has been considerably enlarged, new streets, wards, and squares laid out and new houses built. Notwithstanding this manifest improvement in the population and dimensions in the town, very little if any attention was paid to the public buildings, as will be seen from the following account of them written at that time:

    The public works in this town are: 1. A Court-house, being one handsome room, with a piache on three sides. This likewise serves as a church for divine service, none having been ever built, notwithstanding the Trustees in their public acts acknowledged the receipt of about seven hundred pounds sterling from charitable persons for that express purpose.

    2. Opposite the Court-house stands the log house or prison (which is the only one remaining of five or six that have been successively built in Savannah), that place of terror and support of absolute power in Georgia.

    3. Nigh thereto is a house built of logs, at a very great charge, as was said, for the Trustees' steward; the foundation below ground is rotten, as the whole fabric must be in a short time, for the roof being flat the rain comes in at all parts of it.

    4. The Storehouse, which has been many times altered and amended at a very great charge, and it now serves as a store for the private benefit of one or two.

    5. The Guard-house, which was first built on the bluff, soon decayed, as did a second, through improper management, this now standing being the third. Several flag-staffs were likewise erected, the last of which, according to common report, cost £50 sterling.

    6. A Public Mill for grinding corn was first erected, at a considerable expense, in one square of the town, but in about three years time (without doing the least service) it fell to the ground. In another square of the town a second was set up, at a far greater expense, but never finished, and is now erased and converted into a house for entertaining the indians and other such like uses.

    7. Several of the houses which were built by freeholders, for want of heirs male, are fallen to the Trustees (even to the prejudice of the lawful creditors of the deceased) and are disposed of as the General thinks proper.

    At least two hundred lots were taken up in Savannah, about one hundred and seventy of which were built upon.

    Rev. George Whitfield, who had secured from the Trustees a tract of land near Savannah for the purpose of building an asylum for the poor children, arrived in May, 1737, accompanied by Mr. James Habersham.

    In October of this year a grand council of the chiefs of the four towns of the Creek nation was held in Savannah, and with the assistance of Tomichichi another treaty was arranged, by which the indians agreed to form a friendly alliance with the English and assist them against their enemies. This was the last opportunity that Tomichichi had to show his friendship to the colonists, who were indebted greatly to him for protection. He died the following October. In compliance with his request that he might be buried among the English, his remains were brought from his place above the town in a canoe, and were met at the bluff by Oglethorpe, the civil authorities, and the citizens, all of whom, out of respect, assembled to assist in the funeral obsequies. A procession was formed, and the corpse, with Oglethorpe and Colonel Stephens, the President, as pall-bearers, was escorted to Percival⁵ square, minute guns being fired from the Battery the while. As the body was lowered into the earth three volleys of musketry were fired by the militia.

    The close of 1739 introduces John Causton again; he had continued his arbitrary measures up to this time. William Stephens, Thomas Christie, and Thomas Jones, Esqs., were appointed to examine his accounts, which were never satisfactorily settled, and Causton was removed for mal-practice in office. This duty was hardly over before the services of Mr. Stephens were again called for.

    The Council of the Trustees had met in London and adopted a series of long resolutions relating to the grants and tenure of lands in Georgia, which were incomprehensible. They were published in the Charleston papers, but as they were not understood Stephens was requested to read and explain them as he went along. This he proceeded to do one day at the court-house, but, though he exerted his utmost abilities, failed to explain them satisfactorily. After he gave up, one of the settlers ludicrously remarked that "the whole paper consisted of males and tails,⁶ and that all the lawyers in London would not be able to bring the meaning down to his comprehension, and that he understood as little of its meaning then as he had when Stephens began "--- others wished to ""know how often these two words had occurred in the resolutions; that the number ought to be preserved as a curiosity; and that the author of the resolutions ought to be lodged in bedlam for lunacy."

    The building of the "Orphan House" was commenced in 1740, and located on what was then described to be a sandy bluff, near the sea-shore, and was named Bethesda. The house was constructed under the superintendence of Mr. Joseph Habersham, who took a warm interest in the laudable undertaking. An account of this "noble charity" will be found under the head of "Bethesda."

    The invasion of Georgia by the Spaniards from Florida occurred at this period, and caused many people to leave Savannah, fearing that the enemy would reach it and massacre the inhabitants. Owing to the generalship of Oglethorpe and the bravery of the colonists, who volunteered to defend their homes, the enemy were repulsed before arriving within many miles. This war retarded the settlers from making any improvements, and at its close Savannah was in anything but a flourishing condition, yet under the smiling influences of peace the settlers again went to work and soon placed the town upon a better footing than ever before. When Oglethorpe finally left the colony, in 1743, there were three hundred and fifty-three houses, exclusive of the public buildings. Among these were a number of elegant houses surrounded by large gardens.

    Mr. James Habersham, of whom we have before had occasion to speak, together with Mr. Charles Harris, established here, in 1744, the first commercial house in Georgia. The firm was known as Harris & Habersham,⁷ and gave great encouragement to the planters, from whom they purchased lumber, hogs, poultry, deer skins, &c., a cargo of which, valued at $10,000, was shipped to England in 1749. This was the first attempt to commence a foreign trade. A letter written by Mr. Habersham to a friend in England, expressing his views upon the advantages of agriculture and commerce to the colony, fell into the hands of the Trustees, and they were led by it to think seriously upon the subject and to adopt measures which tended to advance those interests. Previous to this the colonists had become weary of attempting to produce silk and wine, for which purpose the colony had been established, and neglected the gardens where the vines and mulberry trees had been planted; and many of them petitioned the Trustees to abandon the idea of producing silk and wine exclusively and appropriate money for the purposes of agriculture and commerce. Notwithstanding the experience of fourteen years had shown the Trustees that their favorite projects had come to nothing, they refused to grant the requests in the petition, and paid no attention to the subjects mentioned, until they came into the possession of Mr. Habersham's letter.⁸

    Even then they did not altogether abandon the cherished hope that Georgia was a "silk and wine growing colony," for they made another effort, in 1750, to encourage the growth of silk, offering large bounties to all who would engage in it; and in the year following a filature, or house for the manufacture of silk, was built on the west side of Reynold's square, on the ground now occupied by "Cassell's Row."

    In our efforts to give the reader an accurate account of the establishment of the first commercial and manufacturing houses in Savannah, and of the first exports from it, we passed over an occurrence which we venture to assert was never forgotten by those of the inhabitants who witnessed it, as for a time they were completely at the mercy of the indians, who, thirsting for the lands occupied by the whites, assembled in Savannah and demanded a relinquishment of them.

    It will be remembered that through the influence of the half-breed woman, Mary Musgrove, Oglethorpe obtained permission from the indians to settle upon Yamacraw bluff. After the death of John Musgrove, which occurred three years after the landing of Oglethorpe, Mary married a Captain Mathews, who died in 1742. Shortly after his death Mary married again, Rev. Thomas Bosomworth, a clergyman of the Church of England, at the time in the employ of the "Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowledge," being the happy man. Previous to this alliance Mary had been upon the most friendly terms with the colonists. Her conduct was now entirely the reverse. Before she stood as a mediatrix between the whites and indians; now she did all in her power to excite dissension between them. This change was due to Bosomworth. He laid claims to the islands of Ossaba, Sapelo, and St. Catherine, and for a few trifles obtained them from Malatchee, the brother of Mary, and who, because of his fickle temper, was by the indians compared to the wind. Bosomworth had previously gone through the farce of crowning Malatchee king, and about fifteen other chiefs "head warriors and beloved men" of seven different towns, all of whom, on the 14th of December, 1747, signed a paper acknowledging Malatchee the right and lawful prince, and pledging themselves to "ratify and confirm every act and deed of his." Bosomworth, by his unthriftiness, soon became entangled in debt, and to extricate himself, encouraged his wife to assume the title of an independent empress, which she did and summoned a meeting of the Creeks, before whom, in a violent harrangue, she insisted upon the justice of her pretensions. The indians were aroused to a high pitch of excitement by this speech, and pledged themselves "to stand by her to their last drop of blood." This object being accomplished, Bosomworth became bold and insolent, and in 1749 he and Mary, with a large body of savages in their train, marched toward Savannah, he having previously sent a messenger to Colonel William Stephens, President of the Council, to inform him "that Mary had assumed her right of sovereignty over the whole territories of the Upper and Lower Creeks, and to demand that all lands belonging to them be instantly relinquished, for as she was the hereditary and rightful Queen of both nations and could command every man of them to follow her, in case of refusal she had determined to extirpate the settlement."

    These bold pretentions and threats alarmed the President and Council, but they determined to put the town in the best posture of defence possible, and summoned the militia to place themselves under arms, which was done, but the whole force amounted to only one hundred and seventy men. A messenger was sent to Mary, while several miles distant from town, to ascertain whether she was serious in such wild pretensions, and if possible to make her dismiss her followers and abandon her design. Mary was inflexible and resolute, and the President resolved to receive them with firmness. As the indians entered the town, on the 10th of August, 1749, the militia met them, and Captain Noble Jones, commanding a troop of horse, halted them and demanded whether they came with hostile or friendly intent; to which the indians made no satisfactory reply, whereupon he told them that they must leave their arms there, as he had orders not to permit an armed man of them to set his foot within the town. Some further parley ensued, which resulted in the indians reluctantly grounding their arms. The indians then marched in town to the Parade, Bosomworth in his canonical robes, with his queen by his side, heading the procession.

    Arriving at the Parade, the militia saluted them by firing fifteen rounds from cannon and with volleys of musketry. The President then demanded their intentions in visiting the town in so large a body when they had not been sent for by any person in lawful authority. The warriors, in reply, said that they had heart it was the intention of the English to seize Mary and send her captive over the great water; that they intended no harm, and begged that their arms might be restored to them; and then, after consulting with Bosomworth and his wife, they would return and settle all public affairs. Their muskets were returned, but no ammunition was given them.

    The Council was then dismissed, to reassemble on the following day. In terror and alarm the inhabitants passed the night, only to be more alarmed when morning came, for then the indians, who had been aroused by the private harangues of the queen and Bosomworth during the night, became very surly and ran in a tumultuous manner up and down the streets, seemingly bent upon mischief. The confusion became very great. The militia were under arms, and therefore away from the houses. The women and children, fearing that if they remained at home they would be butchered, crowded into the streets, thereby increasing the confusion; during which a false rumor was circulated that the indians had cut off President Stephens' head with a tomahawk. The inhabitants became so exasperated at this that it was with great difficulty the officers prevented them from firing upon the savages. Bosomworth was immediately seized and confined, which made Mary frantic. She threatened vengeance against the magistrates and the colony, and ordered every white man to depart from her territories. She cursed Oglethorpe and asserted that his treaties were fraudulent, and, stamping her foot violently upon the ground, swore by her Maker that the whole earth on which she trode was her own.

    Observing that no peaceable arrangement could be made with the indians while under the eye of their pretended queen, President Stephens had her privately arrested and confined with her husband. The chief promoters of the conspiracy being out of the way, negotiations were entered into with the indians. A bounteous feast was prepared, and while the warriors were thus entertained they were informed of the wicked designs of Bosomworth and his wife: "that the former was involved in debt and wanted not only their lands but also a large share of the royal bounty to satisfy his creditors, most of whom lived in Carolina; that the king's presents were intended only for the indians, on account of their useful services and firm attachment to him during former wars; that the lands adjoining the town were reserved for them to encamp upon when they came to visit their beloved friends in Savannah, and the three maritime islands to hunt upon when they should come to bathe in the salt waters; that neither Mary nor her husband had any right to those lands which were the common property of the Creek nations; that the great king had ordered the President to defend their right to them, and expected that all his subjects, both white and red, would live together like brethren."

    This speech and the kindness of the people had the desired effect, even Malatchee with the other chieftains being convinced; but in a few hours afterward he, having in the meantime had a talk with Bosomworth and Mary, was seduced and drawn over again to support their chimerical claims, and while the President was distributing the royal presents, which were intended to further conciliate the indians, Malatchee arose and in a violent and excited tone protested that Mary possessed the country before General Oglethorpe, and all the lands belonged to her as queen and head of the Creeks; that it was only by her permission the English were allowed to settle on them; that her word was the voice of the whole nation, consisting of about three thousand warriors, and every one would take up the hatchet in defence of her right. He then handed a paper to the President which had evidently been written by Bosomworth. It was substantially the same as the speech made by Malatchee, and discovered in the plainest manner the ambitious views and wicked intrigues of Bosomworth. The whole Board was struck with astonishment when the letter was read, and Malatchee, observing their uneasiness, begged that it might be returned to him, as he did not know it was bad talk, and promised to return it to the person who had given it to him.

    It was necessary to remove the impression made by Malatchee's speech, and the indians were assembled; the President then addressed them, stating the benefits the indians and whites had mutually derived from each other, and showing that it would be to their interest to remain in peace and harmony, and not to allow the wicked Bosomworth to interrupt the fraternal relations which then existed. The President was not allowed to finish his speech, for the indians desired him to stop, stating that their eyes were opened, and though Bosomworth desired to break the chain of friendship they were determined to hold it fast, and begged that all might smoke the pipe of peace. This was done, rum drank, and presents distributed.

    The general joyousness which followed induced the President and Council to believe that all differences were amicably settled, and were rejoicing in the restoration of their former friendly intercourse with the Creeks, when Mary, drunk and disappointed in her views, furiously rushed in the midst of the assemblage and told the President he had nothing to do with the indians, and would be convinced of it to his cost. The President ordered her to cease her remarks; that if she did not he would again imprison her. T his infuriated her, and turning to Malatchee she told him what had been said. Malatchee immediately seized his arms, and calling upon the rest to follow his example, dared any man to touch the queen. In a moment the whole house was a scene of uproar and tumult and all the whites present expected nothing but instant death. Captain Jones, who commanded the guard, immediately interposed and ordered the indians to deliver up their arms, which they reluctantly did. Mary was then conveyed to a private room. A guard was placed over her and all further intercourse with the savages denied her during their stay in Savannah.

    The husband was sent for, in order that he might be reasoned with and convinced of the folly of his pretensions and the dangerous consequences which might arise if he persisted in them. So soon as he made his appearance before the President and Council he commenced a tirade of abuse against them, and despite the kindness shown him and the arguments used to persuade him into submission, he remained obstinate and contumacious, and protested he would stand forth in vindication of his wife's right to the last extremity, and that Georgia should soon feel the weight of her vengeance.

    The indians were persuaded to leave town after both of their leaders were confined, thus happily relieving the inhabitants, who were wearied out with constant watching and harassed with frequent alarms. Shortly after their departure Bosomworth and Mary repented of their folly and asked the pardon of the Magistrates and the people. Thus ended, without bloodshed, one of the most formidable demonstrations ever made by the indians in Georgia. This happy result of the difficulty was only obtained by the exercise of the greatest prudence and bravery, without which the people of Savannah would have fallen a sacrifice to the indiscriminate vengeance of the savages.⁹ Bosomworth was afterward given the island of St. Catherine, upon which he and Mary lived for several years.

    In 1750 the Union Society, of which further mention will hereafter be made, was founded by Richard Milledge, an Episcopalian, Peter Tondee, a Catholic, and Benjamin Sheftall, an Israelite; hence the name "Union Society."

    The first General Assembly of Georgia met in Savannah on the 15th of January, 1751, sixteen representatives present. Francis Harris, John Milledge, William Francis, and William Russell were from the Savannah district. Francis Harris was chosen speaker. A number of complaints were made by the Assembly (which seems to have had no more power than a grand jury of our day) to the Council, of which Henry Parker was President and James Habersham Secretary. The complaints were:

    1st. The want of a proper pilot boat.
    2d. The want of leave to erect a building under the bluff for the convenience of boat-crews, negroes, etc.
    3d. The want of standard weights, scales, and measures.
    4th. The want of a survey of the river.
    5th. The want of an order to prevent masters of vessels from heaving ballast, etc., into the river.
    6th. The want of a commissioner for regulating pilots and pilotage.
    7th. The want of an inspector and sworn packer to inspect the produce of the colony.
    8th. The want of a clerk of the market.
    9th. The want of regulations for the guard.
    10th. The want of proper officers to command the militia.
    11th. The want of repairs to the court-house.

    The Council replied that the first should be represented to the Trustees; to the second, a place shall be laid out; to the third, applied for by the Board and may be expected; to the fourth, to be done as soon as a proper person can be found; to the fifth, an order to be published; to the sixth, seventh, eighth, and tenth, to be appointed; to the ninth, to be remedied; eleventh, to be immediately done.

    After the adjournment of the Assembly the Council, in pursuance of its promise to that body to organize the militia, issued an order for all who possessed three hundred acres and upward of land to appear well accoutred on horseback as cavalry; and those who owned less property armed as foot. The first general muster took place in Savannah on the 13th of June, 1751. There were about two hundred and twenty horse and foot, well armed and equipped; and, says a colonial record, "they behaved well and made a pretty appearance."